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With 7 chromolithographic plates, of which one folding. Publisher s red cloth, upper cover lettered in black. Housed in black cloth solander box. First edition, first issue: a very rare and influential landmark work re-issued in under the title "Garden Cities of To-Morrow", outlining the concept of the Garden City. Howard , a British nonconformist who in the United States had come under the influence of Emerson and Whitman, aimed to realize the ideas of Edward Bellamy's utopia "Looking Backward", building "'by private enterprise pervaded by public spirit an entirely new town, industrial, residential and agricultural'.

This was the idea upon which he enlarged in the book published in and which he carried forward nine months later by the formation of a Garden City Association" PMM. The Garden City addressed the over-population of urban centres caused by the industrial revolution, promising inhabitants all the amenities of urban environments with the benefits of rural life.

It was first actualized in with the creation of the Letchworth Garden City and again in in Welwyn. Thus, Howard "lived to see not only the spread throughout the world of the movement he had started singlehandedly, but the establishment of Town and Country Planning as a universally recognized obligation of the government in the civilized world" PMM. The seven chromolithographic plates include a depiction of the famous "Three Magnets" diagram, illustrating Howard's utopian view that the Town and Country magnets "must be made one".

Light spotting to first few leaves; newspaper obituary of Howard tipped onto front free endpaper. Provenance: from the library of the British socialist Archibald Gorrie with his handwritten ownership on the title page. Gorrie was a founder-member of the Leicester Branch of the Socialist League, which he served as secretary. PMM Not in Stammhammer Social-Politik. Bookseller Inventory Ask Seller a Question.

To-Morrow: A Peaceful Path To Real Reform. - HOWARD Ebenezer - First Edition

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We are happy to take buying orders for the important book auctions in Germany and Austria, which we attend regularly. We dedicate special attention to the estates and archives of important personalities of the arts and sciences in European and world history. Mill and above all Herbert Spencer commentary page , perhapsthe key influence.

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He attended Dissenting chapels; much of this reading comes from a common dissentingtradition Beevers, , pp. Significantly, no continental figure seems to have reached him,with the sole exception of Kropotkin—not even Marx Beevers, , p. By the late s he began to focus on the land question.

It was a major issue of the age: British agriculturewas in deep structural crisis Fishman, , p. Thecampaign was embraced by a new and successful London evening paper, The Star, in ; in the firstLondon County Council elections of , taxation of land values helped elect radical candidates; the LCCurged site value rating from , and was followed by many other authorities; in , a RoyalCommission on Local Taxation was split on it Douglas, , pp. Some went further: a Land Nationalization Society came into being in , producing a stream ofpamphlets.

Its key figure, Alfred Russel Wallace, was an eminent scientist who argued for providing ruralsmall-holdings to bring people back to the land. Aalen, , pp. For they lacked an answer to the parallel issue that dominated debate in London: the housing issue Osborn, , pp. There was a huge drift of farm population from the rural districts into thecapital, which grew at great speed. London added nearly one million to its population each decade between and , nearly doubling from 3. Coupled with conversions of residential areas tooffices and railway building, many people were trapped in slums Douglas, , pp.

Howard tried to develop his own solution. He toyed with ideas of land nationalization, derived fromHerbert Spencer Beevers, , p. But he found a better answer from anobscure northern radical, Thomas Spence commentary page , whose pamphlet was reprinted in by H. Hyndman, founder of the Social Democratic Federation: every parish should become acorporation and seize its lost rights to its land collectively, collecting rents and using them for publicpurposes Beevers , pp. Spence failed to explain how the people would appropriate the land,but Howard seized upon another idea.

Railways, the penny post, the telegraph, newspapers could allowindustry to leave the great cities, especially if they were not dependent on fixed natural resources like coal;if their labour force moved out, they would follow. And labour was moving: one-fifth of the London-bornhad left the capital Marshall, , pp. Afterseeing their way to building or buying suitable cottages there, they would enter into communication withsome of the employers of low-waged labour.

Its central character takes asleeping draught and awakes in the Boston of It is a beautifully-planned, smoke-free city with tree-lined streets, open squares and beautiful landscapes. A huge industrial army, working in giant mills, isunbelievably productive; poverty, crime, greed, corruption have gone Mullin and Payne, , pp. Kropotkin, then, was the main intellectual influence.

But Howard, seeing himself always as an inventor,was always looking for practical models. He found them in various places. Utopian back-to-the-land communities must have been also in his mind, almost all rural Darley, , chapter 10; Hardy, ,p. And, very pervasively, there was the movement led by William Morrisand John Ruskin and enthusiastically embraced by the architects Raymond Unwin and Barry Parker,rejecting industrialism and advocating a return to craft production and a sense of community Hall, , p.

Howard cheerfully took whatever he needed Osborn, , p. He died there of consumption in Spence and Spencer, and the model city forms of Buckingham and of Wakefield as interpreted by Light p. By bringing them together, Howard believed he had found the solution: how to achieve an idealcommunity that could appropriate for itself the land values it created by its own existence and its ownefforts, achieving land nationalization step by step. Perhaps most novel of all, the capitalists were to beasked to act as chief agents in the process. From at least , Howard began to introduce his ideas to the progressive London sects with which hewas associated.

He supported the idea of municipal ownership of enterprises, though later hemodified this in favour of a great variety of forms of ownership. He already saw that he would need toappeal to the rich and powerful to lend money for his scheme, through a limited dividend company Beevers, , p. The scheme he finally published in To-Morrow had two central features: its physical form, and its modeof creation.

Both were idealized. Both proved much harder to achieve in reality than on paper, as discussedby Dennis Hardy in the postscript to this edition. Howard began with his famous Three Magnets diagram. Like the others, with their elaborate Victorianlettering—Howard apparently drew them himself, and in the original edition, now republished, they were indelicate pastel colours—it has an archaic charm. But, viewed more closely, it is a brilliant encapsulation ofthe virtues and vices of the late Victorian English city and English countryside.

The city had economic andsocial opportunity, but overcrowded housing and an appalling physical environment. The countrysideoffered open fields and fresh air, but there were all-too-few jobs and very little social life; and,paradoxically, if anything housing conditions for the average worker were just as bad. This contrast cannotbe understood save in the context of the time: twenty years of agricultural depression, bringing massmigration from the countryside to the cities, coupled with huge changes in those cities—the destruction of The problem, then,was to reverse the flow of migration.

The clue was that it was possible to create yet a third form of living and way of life, superior to either: thethird magnet. This could be achieved througha totally new town in the middle of the countryside, far from the sphere of the city, where land could bebought at depressed agricultural land values: the Garden City. It would have a fixed limit—Howardsuggested 32, people, living on 1, acres hectares of land. On its edge would be a factory belt,which Howard describes in detail: it housed what came to be known as light industries, since—as Howardhimself emphasized—the industries attracted out here would be the ones where the quality of the workforcewould be the prime concern; pioneers like Cadbury at Bournville and Lever at Port Sunlight had alreadyshown the way.

It would be surrounded by a much larger area of permanent green belt, bought and ownedby the Garden City management as part of the purchase package—Howard proposed acres, or hectares —containing not merely farms, but also all kinds of urban quasi-urban institutions, likereformatories and convalescent homes, that could benefit from a rural location. It would be small a little larger than the City of London , dense Islington, not Camberley and compact. To use an overworked contemporary term, it would be the epitome of sustainable urban development. This is clearly seen in the way Howard treated the growth of his Garden City.

When it reached its plannedlimit of 32, people; another Garden City would be started a short distance away; then another, then He calls it Social City. In the diagram again reproduced here, but sadly omitted in thesecond and subsequent editions, Social City covered 66, acres 29, hectares , slightly less than thearea of the old London County Council of his day; it had a total population of a quarter of a million, equal toa major English provincial town like Hull or Nottingham at that time Hall and Ward, , pp.

Butit is clear from the text that Social City could proliferate almost without limit, until it became the basicsettlement form covering most of the country. Thus the physical expression of Garden City was to be quite novel; certainly, unlike anything before. Butequally novel was to be its mode of creation.

Very shortly, the growth of Garden City would raise land values, and thus rents. There is a good reason: Howard was addressing hard-nosed Victorian businessmen who And the greater the success, the easier the money would be toraise. For Howard, Garden City was far more than just a town: it was a third socio-economic system, superiorboth to Victorian capitalism and to bureaucratic centralized socialism. Each Garden Citywould be an exercise in local self-government.

Not for nothing did Howard admire Kropotkin. Just how radical was this vision, how far it proved capable ofrealization, it will be for the reader of this edition to judge. In he succeeded HenryWadsworth Longfellow as professor of modern languages at Harvard, was the first editor of AtlanticMonthly —61 , and went on to edit the North American Review — But the latter part of his lifewas spent as a representative of his country abroad—as US minister to Spanish court —80 and then inLondon at the Court of St James where he served until Much of the rest of his life was spent inLondon or Whitby in Yorkshire.

Whether Howard actually met him is unknown. Together these formed animmensely popular exposition of the Whig view of history, which represented history as the cumulativevictory of the forces of liberalism and democracy. Although this dates from Shaw, , p. Howard, with his years of experience as a short-hand reporter of meetings of official bodies, was adept atselecting the appropriate quotations from public figures and public meetings to support his conclusions.

TheLondon County Council had been set up in to bring order to the urban anarchy of its isolated tinyparishes, but already in March , its first chairman, Lord Rosebery, was describing eloquently theproblem that Howard addressed: the grotesque overcrowding of the inner city and the simultaneousdepopulation of rural Britain.

When the Progressives won control of the LCC, they embarked on aprogramme of slum clearance and municipal housing. But this, and thecontemporary estates built by philanthropic bodies like the Peabody Trust, simply worsened the problems ofurban overcrowding in the surrounding areas. John Morley — , writer and journalist, was elected a Liberal MP in He succeeded Gladstone as Prime Minister in A highly independent-minded and very able parliamentarian, Sir John Eldon Gorst — adheredto principles of Tory democracy and throughout his political life showed an active interest in the housing ofthe poor, the education of their children, and social questions generally.

7 editions of this work

A keen advocate of total abstinence, Frederick William Farrar — was made Dean ofCanterbury in Here Howard reminds us that there were two parallel problems in England in the s and s: theproblem of slum housing in London and other great cities, which is well-known today, and the problem ofrural housing and depopulation, which is less well-remembered. A deep agricultural depression, resultingfrom a series of poor harvests and intense overseas competition following the opening-up of new land in theAmericas and Australasia, reduced cereal acreage in England and Wales by no less than a quarter between and Farm rents declined by up to 50 per cent; the Duke of Marlborough said in that if therewere any effective demand, half the land of England would be on the market tomorrow; even by , inHertfordshire, it was estimated that 20 per cent of farms were unoccupied Fishman, , p.

Ben Tillett — was one of the leaders of the London Dock Strike in which the dockers weregranted their main demands. Following the Both men remained devoted to socialism and the trade union cause throughout their lives. Importantly, he argues thatfactors of location —which Marshall discusses fully in Book IV, Chapter X of the Principles, though laterEnglish neoclassical economists lost interest in locational questions—do not presuppose agglomeration incities. Interestingly, Marshall anticipated even then that the real increases in employment were in the serviceindustries; but he supposed that this would lead to increasing urban concentration Marshall, , p.

In essence, Howard is arguing thatboth existing cities and the existing countryside had an indissoluble mixture of advantages anddisadvantages. The advantages of the city were the opportunities it offered in the form of accessibility tojobs and to urban services of all kinds; the disadvantages could all be summed up in the poor resultingnatural environment.

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Conversely the countryside offered an excellent environment, but virtually noeconomic or social opportunities of any sort. In the intervening century, many of these differences have been eroded. Clean air, urban reconstructionand effective planning have almost eliminated the grosser evils of the city, though pollution from the motorvehicle remains. Even more strikingly, the disadvantages of rural life have been almost completely removedby new technologies, barely sensible when Howard wrote: electrification, telecommunications, and theinternal combustion engine.

Interestingly, however, this transformation was anticipated in different waysboth by Peter Kropotkin, in his book Fields, Factories and Workshops, published the year after To-Morrow,and by H. After the Second World War the historian of rural life George Ewart Evans moved to a Suffolk village whenhis wife became the village school-teacher. His whole family had frequent stomach troubles and were toldthat most newcomers to the village of Blaxhall suffered in the same way.

Some babies had died throughbeing given well water in their food.

Evans had to become an aggressive nuisance to get piped water to hisvillage, since the councils were dominated by wealthy people with clean water from their own deep wells Evans, Here Howard develops the extraordinary sexual metaphor of the marriage of town and country in a kindof holy sacrament. It is important that Howard was a devout Congregationalist and lay preacher and that hewas deeply devoted to his equally devout first wife Lizzie and their four children; he depended on her, toomuch so in the view of Raymond Unwin, so much in fact that after her death he tried to maintaincommunication with her through a spiritualist medium Beevers, , pp.

Note that on the drawing heincludes the quotation from James Russell Lowell which appears on the title page of To-Morrow. Where town and country meet—a factory on the edge of Letchworth c. These and his other socialist writings influenced not only Howardbut also trade unionists and political activists such as Tom Mann and Ben Tillett commentary page Here Howard raises his key argument: that the increase in site values arising solely from the existence ofan urban community should accrue to that community, and not to some distant aristocrat whose ancestorshad been rewarded with that land for their support of a conquering king or robber baron.

These would have been evengreater had not the Treasury raided the funds, as Ray Thomas has demonstrated Thomas, In post-war Britain there have been three attempts to retain for the public the increase in land values: theTown and Country Planning Act ; the Land Commission Act of ; and the Community Land Act of Hall and Ward, , pp.

All were passed by Labour governments; all were promptlyrescinded by the following Conservative administrations.

To-Morrow: A Peaceful Path to Real Reform

In any case, they were intended to capture valuesfor the central government though the Act contained a provision allowing local authorities to take ashare. Partly this resulted fromthe large average size of the late Victorian household. Garden City is thus a model of urban compactness:circular in form, it has a radius of only three-quarters of a mile 1.

The Crowd, A Study of The Popular Mind by Gustave Le Bon

The inspiration might havebeen the centre of Washington DC, which Daniel Burnham was just about to restore to its original glory,with the Congress and the White House and other great public buildings, set off against monumental openspace. The critical point is that—just like Henry VIII three centuries before—Howard was free to put a park in the centre because he was not constrained by traditionally-high urban landvalues.

It does however have precursorsin the arcades and covered markets of European and English cities. Doubtless, Howard was also directlyinfluenced by the Crystal Palace built for the Great Exhibition and re-erected at Sydenham in SouthLondon until its destruction by fire in and by the Winter Gardens then being built in a number of lateVictorian seaside towns. In apparently unconscious tribute, at the start of Sheffield proudly unveiledits new Winter Garden and Millennium Galleries, a complex 70 metres long, 22 metres wide and 21metres high, by the architects Pringle Richards Sharratt.

And even though Howard wrote when the private motor car was a novelty on English streets—the Actrequiring that a man walk in front with a red flag had been repealed only two years earlier—he correctly The wide radial boulevards would have ensured that this was atown without serious congestion, even at the start of the twenty-first century. They divide Garden City into six equal sections or wards. Perspective drawing of the Crystal Palace, , designed by Joseph Paxton. Grand Avenue may have echoesof the Midway, the wide parkway in Chicago that marks the position of the Columbian Expositiondesigned by the architect-planner Daniel Burnham, which now divides the Hyde Park district on the SouthSide of Chicago Stern, , p.

In any case the idea has affinities with the parkway concept developed by the American landscape architectFrederick Law Olmsted for Brooklyn New York and Boston Massachusetts at this time. Locating the factory zone on a ring railway reflects the fact that Howard had not yet anticipated theimpact of the motor truck, which barely existed when he wrote. But substitute an outer orbital highway, andthe plan conforms to every notion of efficient logistical management.

In , jobs meant factory jobs andHoward illustrates them in detail: clothing, cycles, engineering, jam-making. They were light industries,since—as Howard himself emphasized—the industries attracted out here would be ones where the quality Howard believed that such industrialists would gladly followthe lead already set by pioneers like Cadbury at Bournville and Lever at Port Sunlight; they would see theadvantages of operating in a clean smoke-free atmosphere where their workers would be healthier andcloser to their work than in the giant city.

But it was not new, even then: Edwin Chadwick had suggested such an idea for London sewageas early as and it was adopted by the Metropolitan Board of Works in the s, but never carried out Hall, , pp. Curiously, hisproposals for open competition in provision of utilities rather precisely anticipates early twenty-first-centuryBritish reality.

Such institutions were then being built on open land outsideLondon and other cities. It is interesting that he sees all these as provided through philanthropic action,though even then some of these were the responsibilities of local school boards, and of course many couldbe expected to become functions of the local welfare state as the Garden City rents built up over time. Closed in , there is now a housing estate on the site. Benjamin W.

Richardson FRS — numbered amongst his activities a temperance crusade, poetry, play and novel writing, andsubstantial contributions in medicine. But, here too heintroduces the key idea of Garden City: that, in effect, the city creates its own land values. Essentially, the city is established far enough from London or any large city to ensure that the land isbought at pure agricultural value, at that time extremely low by reason of agricultural depression. Thismight require that the purchase is made in secret, as happened at Letchworth —or in small packets so thatthe activity is not recognized, as occurred with the purchase of Columbia in Maryland, an American newtown of the late s.

Thence, as the town grows, it generates urban land values which—after repaymentof the initial borrowings necessary to buy the land and build the town—pass back to the community. Asexplained in the Introduction to this edition, Howard essentially took this idea from the late eighteenth-century writer Thomas Spence commentary page Beevers, , pp. Howard argues what was for him the most important contention of his book: that if the steadily-increasingbetterment value of land were retained for the benefit of the residents who had generated it, the resultingrevenue would be enough to fund all local social welfare thus constituting a local welfare state,administered by the citizens on their own collective behalf.

The essence is in Diagram No. At Wells founded the Fabian Society. Thisphotograph which dates from about is by an unknown photographer. From their attire it would appear that these farm labourers come from Scotland. Butthe latter tended to be found only on the relatively small areas of top-grade soil, and over wide areas oflowland England—especially around London—former corn-growing country went to grass and thus to aform of farming that needed much less labour.

In Essex, for instance, Scots dairy farmers moved south totake over derelict arable farms. See the evidence for each county from the local reports of the RoyalCommission on Agricultural Depression in —96, summarized in Hall At this point the use of artificial fertilizers was in itsinfancy, though great progress was being made, especially by the fast-growing German chemical industry. See particularly the article by Stuart Chase, the economist member of the group,entitled Coals to Newcastle Chase, The problem always proved to be that long-distance transport offood had become so cheap that local producers enjoyed little if any advantage against distant competitorsenjoying superior natural characteristics of terrain or climate.

Sir Alexander Binnie — designed the Greenwich pedestrian tunnel under the Thames and Vauxhall Bridge over the Thames Here Howard clarifies the important Diagram No. The point of the diagram is that the share of the first two elementsdiminishes to zero. Marshall quotes this article in the Principles Marshall, , p. Here, as in the previous chapter, Howard is busy persuading us that, if only the accumulation ofincreasing site values was owned by the community, every kind of commercial and industrial enterprisewould be viable.

In fact just such a principle was employed by the development corporations of the newtowns after Wo rld War Two: the rents from shops and offices in the central business district were animportant part of the rising asset value of the town, and could be used to cross-subsidize other developmentsdeserving subsidy However, all calculations like this are extremely sensitive to basic macro-economicassumptions, particularly as to inflation. Howard wrote in an extremely stable late Victorian world whereinterest rates had been steady and low for three-quarters of a century.

For what could happen in less stabletimes, see commentary page Their turnover could not provide a viable income for theshopkeeper unless their rents were reduced to a level that made this possible.